March 25th 1840

On this day, 173 years ago, Myles Keogh was born at Orchard House just outside Leighlinbridge, County Carlow in Ireland. We continue to honour his life and his military career:
"A man who defends his own country or attacks another is no more than a soldier.
But he, who adopts some other country as his own and makes offer of his sword and his blood, is more than a soldier. He is a hero."


Emile Barrault, French author and philosopher

Ar dheis Dé go raibh a anam

Brevet Lieutenant Colonel Myles Keogh

Myles Walter Keogh (March 25, 1840 – June 25, 1876) was an Irishman who fought in Italy during the 1860 Papal War before volunteering for the Union side in the American Civil War (1861 to 1865). During the war years, he was promoted from the rank of Captain to that of Major, finally being awarded the brevet rank of Lieutenant Colonel. After the Civil War ended, Keogh received a permanent commission as Captain of Company I, 7th U.S. Cavalry Regiment commanded by George Armstrong Custer during the Indian Wars of the 1870s. Myles Keogh was killed with Custer at the Battle of the Little Bighorn, June 25th 1876.

We will be analysing Keogh's life and career in chronological order - scroll down the opening page or click on the black triangles under 'Previous Articles' to access past research. If you wish to have an quick overview, watch the video below or visit the following recommended articles:

The Civil War Battles of Myles Walter Keogh

From 1862 to the end of the American Civil War, Myles Keogh fought in almost 80 separate engagements. He was never wounded in combat until the day he died at the Battle of the Little Big Horn, 1876.


video

Captain Myles Keogh - Presidential Guard

One of the many stories attached to Myles Keogh that can be found in 'Keogh, Comanche and Custer' by Edward S. Luce is that he was part of a five officer honour guard that escorted President Abraham Lincoln during his entire trip to the Maryland theatre of war soon after the Battle of Antietam. Furthermore, it is stated that he also accompanied President Lincoln (left) on his return to Washington four days later.

Despite an extensive search of official records, no reference to Keogh performing such duties could be found - in fact, it is recorded that Lincoln returned to Washington by train from Frederick, Maryland directly back to the capitol. However, as seems to be the case with Luce's novel, there is some truth in what was first published in 1939.

According to Lincoln's official records, as found on the excellent http://www.thelincolnlog.org/, the following is an account of his visit to the Army of the Potomac;

Wednesday, October 1, 1862 at 6a.m. -- The President and his party left Washington on a special train to visit the headquarters of the Army of Potomac and battlefields in vicinity of Antietam. The party consists of General McClernand, Capt. Wright Rives of McClernand's staff, Marshal Lamon, Ozias M. Hatch (Illinois politician), John W. Garrett, president of B. & O. Railroad, and others. The train arrived Harper's Ferry at noon. Major Lawrence Kip and Captain Samuel S. Sumner escorted the President and his associates to General Sumner's headquarters. In afternoon General McClellan arrives from camp and with President reviews troops at Bolivar Heights. Lincoln spends night in Harper's Ferry.
Thursday, October 2, 1862 -- In the morning, Lincoln and General Sumner reviewed the troops at Loudoun Heights and Maryland Heights. President leaves Harper's Ferry at noon. Arrives headquarters, Army of Potomac, too late in day to review troops. Occupies tent for night next to Gen. McClellan's headquarters. Second Cavalry band serenades President.
Friday, October 3, 1862 -- At sunrise President and O. M. Hatch walk to nearby hilltop. Surveying army camp, Lincoln comments: "This is General McClellan's bodyguard." During morning, Lincoln reviews General Burnside's corps and cavalry near Antietam battleground. At midday, the President and McClellan ride in ambulances three miles to Bakerville, Md., for review of cavalry and troops of Gen. Fitz John Porter's and Gen. Franklin's corps. On the three-mile ride, Marshal Lamon sings several comic ballads [which later result in much public criticism of President]. Lincoln poses for half-dozen group pictures. Again sleeps in tent next to McClellan's headquarters.

Saturday, October 4, 1862
-- President Lincoln and Gen. McClellan (pictured above during visit) visit wounded in vicinity of headquarters. At Sharpsburg, Md., (Antietam) Lincoln visits "Fighting Dick" (Gen. Israel B.) Richardson who lies mortally wounded in farmhouse. At noon, they ride to South Mountain battleground and conclude their survey. Enthusiastic reception with signal guns and parade welcomes President to Frederick about 4:45 P.M. He goes to residence of Mrs. Ramsey to see Gen. George L. Hartsuff who is ill from wounds received at Antietam. Addresses brief remarks to crowd assembled in front of house. About five minutes later speaks to crowd at railway station (illustrated below in Harper's Weekly 1862):

"FELLOW-CITIZENS: I see myself surrounded by soldiers, and a little further off I note the citizens of this good city of Frederick, anxious to hear something from me. I can only say, as I did five minutes ago, it is not proper for me to make speeches in my present position. I return thanks to our soldiers for the good service they have rendered, for the energies they have shown, the hardships they have endured, and the blood they have so nobly shed for this dear Union of ours; and I also return thanks not only to the soldiers, but to the good citizens of Maryland, and to all the good men and women in this land, for their devotion to our glorious cause. I say this without any malice in my heart to those who have done otherwise. May our children and our children's children to a thousand generations, continue to enjoy the benefits conferred upon us by a united country, and have cause yet to rejoice under those glorious institutions bequeathed us by Washington and his compeers. Now, my friends, soldiers and citizens, I can only say once more, farewell."
At 10 P.M. special train bearing Presidential party arrives in Washington.
-------------------------
Above is the official record of the visit and it is highly probable that Captain Myles Keogh, as a member of staff, accompanied General McClellan for some, if not all his time, with President Lincoln -- the President toured the battlefield with 'Little Mac' as his guide.
According to 'The Antietam Campaign' by Gary W. Gallagher, Lincoln was less attentive of his host when shown the battlefield HQ at the Pry house near Antietam on the second day of the visit, October 2nd. When the President finally said - "Let us go and see where Hooker went in" - McClellan could only but gather that Lincoln wanted to see the where a 'fighting' general performed his duty. Later, when McClellan and his staff arrived at the union right flank, the President was nowhere to be seen. Apparently, McClellan "dispatched one staff officer after another to find the errant chief executive" without success. Was Captain Keogh part of that search party?
One can only presume that Keogh did indeed spend some time in the presence of the iconic Abraham Lincoln, although if he had developed some loyalty to McClellan during his short stint on his staff, Myles may not have been too endeared at being in the President's company. Lincoln was losing his patience with McClellan at the time and the atmosphere during the visit must have been tense -- likely given Lincoln's comment on the Army before him being "General McClellan's bodyguard".
Regardless, Lincoln was to be proven correct by history and has become one of America's most famous and admired presidents. In later years, one can only wonder what Keogh's recollections were of those four days in 'Abe's' presence - not a bad memory for a young man from a small town in Ireland...

On 'Little Mac's' staff

Keogh (seated fourth from left) with General McClellan's staff and aides - October 1862

When Myles Keogh and Joseph O'Keeffe were requested by Major General George McClellan and arrived for duty from General Buford's staff on the 10th of September 1862, 'Little Mac' was already eight days in command of the Army of the Potomac, having been recalled by President Lincoln. McClellan's return, including the authority by which he deposed General Pope as overall commander, is still the subject of much debate.On the morning of the 2nd, McClellan says:  

"The President and General Halleck came to my house, when the President informed me that Colonel Kelton had returned from the front; that our affairs were in a bad condition; that the army was in full retreat upon the defences of Washington; the roads filled with stragglers, etc. He instructed me to take steps at once to stop and collect the stragglers; to place the works in a proper state of defence, and to go out to meet and take command of the army, when it approached the vicinity of the works, then to place the troops in the best position--committing everything to my hands." 

So far as appears, this verbal order of the President was the only one by which McClellan was reinstated in command, and there does not seem to have been any order issued by virtue of which the Army of Virginia ceased to exist. McClellan's first official act was to send a letter of suggestion, rather than command, to Pope, and he addressed it to "Major-General John Pope, Commanding Army of Virginia,'' and signed it "Geo. B. McClellan, Major-General United States Army." Eleven days later we find him dating a letter "Headquarters Army of the Potomac," and adding to his signature the words "Major-General Commanding.'' 

Keogh's and O'Keeffe's role as junior staffers would have included carrying messages from HQ to commanders in the field as well as accompanying McClellan as part of an escort as he travelled about the various sections of the army. Despite a search of official records, no mention of Myles Keogh was made in dispatches. However, Captain Joseph O'Keeffe is referenced in one dispatch giving some indication of the two Irish captain's usage at McClellan's headquarters; 

Major-General, Commanding Corps.September 15-11 a. m.
General GEORGE B. McCLELLAN, Commanding: 

GENERAL: I have received your dispatch by Captain O'Keeffe. The enemy is in large force in my front, in two lines of battle stretching across the valley, and a large column of artillery and infantry on the right of the valley looking toward Harper's Ferry. They outnumber me two to one. It will, of course, not answer to pursue the enemy under these circumstance. I shall communicate with Burnside as soon as possible. In the mean time I shall wait here until I learn what is the prospect of re-enforcement. I have not the force to justify an attack on the force I see in front. I have had a very close view of it, and its position is very strong.

Respectfully, 

W. B. FRANKLIN,Major-General.
 

The task of carrying messages was more than just delivering letters - commands on both sides relied on mounted messengers to bring information and carry orders to the commander actually engaged. A "galloper" who failed to find the recipient of his message could tip a battle one way or the other. According to his official records, McClellan sent three of his staff to Harpers Ferry with messages for the commanding officer, Colonel Miles. The mission was exceedingly dangerous as it would have required breaking through enemy lines during a siege – none could get through.
 
 
On more than one occasion, while McClellan was visiting troops in the field, he and his escort came under artillery fire. General McClellan rode his black horse, "Daniel Webster," which, on account of the difficulty of keeping pace with him, was better known to his staff as "that devil Dan"! It was also recorded that McClellan and his escort would ride among his troops at night – a dangerous practice that ultimately cost ‘Stonewall’ Jackson his life.

One of the benefits of being with the overall commander of the army in the field is the experience of seeing, at first hand, the orchestration of thousands of men as battles ebb and flow. Myles Keogh would have this experience during two major battles, firstly at South Mountain, September 14, 1862 - the prelude to Antietam

The Wise Farm At Fox's Gap, South Mountain


Union cavalry under Pleasanton found D.H. Hill's (CSA) division defending Turner's Gap on the morning of September 14th. By nine o'clock, J.D. Cox (US) attacked with his division and by noon the rest of IX Corps under Reno (US) arrived to press the attack through Fox's Gap. Hooker's 1st Corps (US) arrived later and attacked about a mile to the north. Burnside (US) commanding the right wing of McClellan's army (I and IX corps), soon appeared on the field to coordinate the operation. By 10 P.M. the Federals had succeeded by vigorous fighting in seizing the high ground commanding Turner's Gap, and the Confederates started withdrawing about midnight - General Reno (US) was killed as was the Confederate Brig. Gen. Samuel Garland, Jr. If the battle of South Mountain was fought to prevent the advance of McClellan, it was a failure on the part of the Confederates. If it was fought to save Lee's trains and artillery, and to reunite his scattered forces, it was a Confederate success. The former view was taken by the President of the United States, Abe Lincoln, for he telegraphed to General McClellan on the 15th of September: "God bless you and all with you. Destroy the rebel army, if possible."
 

Again at Antietam on the 17th September, Keogh and O'Keeffe would have been at the heart of the Union army engine house that was McClellan's HQ. One journalist later posted an account of the battle as it progressed, referring to 'Little Mac's' headquarters at the Pry mansion (pictured below as it was in 1862 and at present):


"Turning from the conflict on the right, I rode down the line, toward the center, forded the Antietam and ascended the hill east of it to the large square mansion of Mr. Pry, where General McClellan had established his headquarters. The general was sitting in an arm-chair in front of the house.

His staff were about him; their horses, saddled and bridled, were hitched to the trees and fences. Stakes had been driven in the earth in front of the house, to which were strapped the headquarters telescopes, through which a view of the operations and movements of the two armies could be obtained. It was a commanding situation. The panorama included fully two-thirds of the battle-field, from the woods by the Dunker Church southward to the hills below Sharpsburg."


Confederate dead on the east side of the Hagerstown Pike, Antietam Battlefield

Antietam was the bloodiest battle in the civil war as McClellan's army attacked while the Confederates were drawn up along Antietam Creek on the Maryland side of the Potomac River, inflicting some 10,300 casualties while losing almost 12,500 men. McClellan's natural caution, his belief that he was outnumbered and some poorly co-ordinated attacks allowed Lee to defend Union attacks and withdraw to Virginia. While the rebel Army of Northern Virginia remained a significant force, southern hopes of Maryland joining the Confederacy were dashed as was the possibility of foreign intervention on their behalf. Lincoln also had the victory he needed to issue the Emancipation Proclamation.

To date, a debate has raged on whether McClellan lost an opportunity to win the war after Antietam by not pursuing Lee and crushing the withdrawing Rebels. George McClellan's achievement in turning a dispirited and dishevelled Union army - as it was after the tactical 'draw' of the Battle of Second Manassas - should not be underestimated; the fact that it occurred within a two week period adds to McClellan's reputation as a superb organiser and motivator of soldiers. The President told his assistant William O. Stoddard "Well, Stoddard, for organizing an army, for preparing an army for the field or for fighting a defensive campaign, I will back General McClellan against any general of modern times—I don't know but of ancient times also." 

Furthermore, from South Mountain to Antietam, General McClellan was in direct communication with Washington. It appears from the telegraphic correspondence which was carried on between Abraham Lincoln's general-in-chief, General Henry Halleck and McClellan, that while the latter believed that General Lee's object was the invasion of Pennsylvania, Halleck could not divest himself of the notion that Lee was about to play the Union army some slippery trick by turning its left, getting between it and Washington and Baltimore, and then taking each city by a coup-de-main.The following are extracts from some of General Halleck's dispatches: 

SEPT. 14.---" Scouts report a large force still on Virginia side of the Potomac, near Leesburg, If so, I fear you are exposing your left flank, and that the enemy can cross in your rear." 
SEPT. 16.---"I fear now more than ever that they [the enemy] will recross at Harper's Ferry, or below, and turn your left, thus cutting you off from Washington. . . ." 

These dispatches demonstrate that it was McClellan's duty as a subordinate to move slowly and cautiously in his advance, although he believed that the whole of Lee's army was in his front. It is little wonder that he continued to be cautious after the Battle of Antietam but this caution was causing frustration among the anti-McClellan political establishment in Washington prompting President Lincoln to visit army HQ in the field on October 1st.

General McClellan says in his general report: "His Excellency the President honored the Army of the Potomac with a visit, and remained several days, during which he went through the different encampments, reviewed the troops, and went over fire battle-fields of South Mountain and Antietam, I had the opportunity during this visit to describe to him the operations of the army since the time it left Washington, and gave him my reasons for not following the enemy after he crossed the Potomac." 

In "McClellan's Own Story" he says that the President "more than once assured me that he was fully satisfied with my whole course from the beginning: that the only fault he could possibly find was, that I was too prone to be sure that everything was ready before acting, but that my actions were all right when I started. I said to him that I thought a few experiments with those who acted before they were ready would probably convince him that in the end I consumed less time than they did." 

Presidential aide William O. Stoddard wrote in one of his anonymous newspaper dispatches: "The President's visit to the army was a wise and well-advised action, and Mr. Lincoln has, no doubt, obtained from personal observation and friendly consultation with his favorite general, a far better and clearer idea of the position and capabilities of the army, than he could ever have done from the garbled and unfair reports of either the friends or the enemies of McClellan." 

Nonetheless, after the President's return to Washington on the 5th of October, Halleck sent a telegraph to McClellan that signalled the beginning of the end of his military career - "The President directs that you cross the Potomac and give battle to the enemy or drive him south."

The damage to McClellan's military progress seems to have been done by Jackson’s occupation of Harpers Ferry but more particularly, by Stuart's cavalry, constantly sniping and causing an already poorly equipped Union cavalry untold trouble. Soon the Union cavalry ran out of fit horses and McClellan was, almost on a daily basis, writing in support of his cavalry department looking for a new supply of mounts.

On at least two occasions, McClellan cites this reason for not pursuing Lee, conscious of Stuart roaming the adjoining countryside with an almost free hand. His reasoned letters caused the President to curtly respond, enquiring "Will you pardon me for asking what the horses of your army have done since the battle of Antietam that fatigues anything?" Again McClellan replies in detail and with good military reasoning but Lincoln appears not to realise the current state of his army and, particularly, the all important cavalry wing.

McClellan was conscious that he was being ordered to invade the Confederate States "where the inhabitants furnished to the enemy every possible assistance". He continues, in response, to state that during such an action it was imperative to have "an efficient cavalry force". In McClellan's defence, records show that, apart from the cavalry picketing the river, there were only approximately 1000 horses available for service at the time of Lincoln's response. One can’t help wondering if McClellan conversed, informally of course, to his two cavalry captains, O'Keeffe & Keogh, about what was required for the efficient operation of his mounted wing, post-Antietam.

In short, Lincoln took a chance on McClellan, needed results and a quick end to the war but his army was in no state to produce. McClellan knew this and was in the progress of rebuilding. It all happened too slowly for the politicians and ‘Little Mac’ suffered the brunt of it. He was proven correct in later years because as the Union cavalry improved, so did the Union army’s performance on the battlefield. 



His manner of leaving was also cruel; his good friend, General Burnside, came to his tent and informed him that he was taking over (illustration above taken from Harper's Weekly, 1862). McClellan was told to go home to and await orders that never came.

"Headquarters, Army of the Potomac, November 10th, 1862.

In accordance with General Orders, No. 182, issued by the President of the United States, I hereby assume command of the Army of the Potomac.

Patriotism, and the exercise of my every energy in the direction of this army, aided by the full and hearty cooperation of its officers and men, will, I hope, under the blessing of God, insure its success. Having been a sharer of the privations, and a witness of the bravery of the old Army of the Potomac in the Maryland campaign, and fully identified with them in their feelings of respect and esteem for General McClellan, entertained through a long and most friendly association with him, I feel that it is not as a stranger I assume command.

To the Ninth Army Corps, so long and intimately associated with me, I need say nothing: our histories are identical. With diffidence for myself, but with a proud confidence in the unswerving loyalty and determination of the gallant army now intrusted to my care, I accept its control, with the steadfast assurance that the just cause must prevail.

A.E. Burnside,
Major General Commanding."

Second Manassas (Second Battle of Bull Run) - August 1862


"They are young, spirited and accomplished gentlemen and with me have proven themselves to be dashing, gallant and daring soldiers, ready and anxious for service at all hours and under trying circumstances"
General John Buford October 1862


The ground around Manassas was not auspicious for the Union forces. It was here in July 1861 that the Union army had broken on the bulwark of General Thomas Jackson's brigade and thus earned the Southern general his nickname 'Stonewall'. Victory here in 1862 was crucial as, from the battlefield, Washington was only 26 miles away while Richmond was also within striking distance. Union forces were combined in the area in the form of the newly created Army of Virginia under Major-General John Pope (left); a deeply unpopular figure both within his own army and similarly disliked by the normally respectful, Robert E. Lee.


Lee knew that if McClellan's 90,000 strong Army of the Potomac linked with Pope's forces of 63,000 men, the Rebel army would be vastly outnumbered and in serious danger of being heavily defeated. Lee decided to attack Pope with speed and might before McClellan realised what was occurring - he sent Generals 'Stonewall' Jackson and A.P. Hill north with 24,000 men.


In order to draw Pope's army into battle, Jackson (above) ordered an attack on a Federal column that was pa
ssing across his front on the Warrenton Turnpike on August 28th. The fighting at Brawner Farm lasted several hours and resulted in a stalemate. Pope became convinced that he had trapped Jackson and concentrated the bulk of his army against him.On August 29th, Major General John Pope launched a series of assaults against Jackson's position along an unfinished railroad grade near Sudley - Pope's intention was to move against Jackson on both flanks. The attacks were repulsed with heavy casualties on both sides.
It was at this point that General Buford along with his 500 strong cavalry, including his two Irish staff, Captains Myles Keogh and Joseph O'Keeffe, became involved in the engagement. At around 8.15 a.m., Buford reported that 17 regiments of infantry, one battery, and 500 cavalry were moving through Gainesville - this was General James Longstreet's (left) wing arriving from Thoroughfare Gap - and Buford's report warned the Union generals that trouble lay to their front. Myles Keogh later recorded that Buford's cavalry "engaged Longstreet's advance and cut his communications with Jackson".

Many months later, Robert E. Lee also made reference to Buford's sniping of his army;
"Besides engaging the cavalry of the enemy on several occasions, with uniform success, a detachment under the gallant and lamented Major [William] Patrick, assisted by Stuart's horse artillery under Major [John] Pelham, effectually protected General Jackson's trains against a body of this enemy cavalry who penetrated to his rear on the 29th, before the arrival of General Longstreet."
R. E. LEE
General, Headquarters,
Army of Northern Virginia

June 5, 1863

For some reason,
General McDowell (US) neglected to forward Buford's report about Longstreet's arrival to Pope until about 7 p.m., so the army commander was operating under two severe misconceptions: that Longstreet was not near the battlefield and that Porter and McDowell (US) were marching to attack Jackson's right flank. Meanwhile since noon on the 29th, Longstreet was arriving on the field from Thoroughfare Gap and taking up position on Jackson's right flank - Porter and McDowell were in fact about to face Longstreet's fresh and enthusiastic command numbering 28,000 men.
On August 30th, Pope renewed his attacks, still unclear of Longstreet's position on the field. When massed Confederate artillery devastated a Union assault by Fitz John Porter's command, Longstreet's wing counterattacked in the largest, simultaneous mass assault of the war. The Union left flank was crushed and the army driven back to Bull Run - it appeared that Pope's army was going to be chased from the field and devastated. Only an effective Union rearguard action at Henry House Hill by just four brigades prevented a total collapse of the Union army.
Pictured above are the ruins of the Henry house, Second Manassas battlefield

Unlike the calamitous retreat at the First Battle of Bull Run, the Union movement thereafter towards Centreville was quiet and orderly. The Confederates, weary from battle and low on ammunition, did not pursue in the darkness. Although Lee had won a great victory, he had not achieved his objective of destroying Pope's army.

BUFORD'S FIGHT - 30th August

As the demoralised Union troops were retreating from the field, Buford's Federal cavalry engaged in a spirited fight with a Confederate cavalry brigade. South-east of the battle, near Lewis Farm, Colonel Nazer of the 4th New York cavalry rode up to Buford and announced that Rebel cavalry were just beyond the hill, preparing to charge. Buford quickly arranged his troops - the 4th New York fell in behind the 1st Michigan, the 1st West Virginia and 1st Vermont stacked up behind the New Yorkers.From his vantage point to the west, Brigadier-General Beverly Robertson (left), commanding the Confederate cavalry, could only see what looked like a small detachment of Union cavalry galloping aimlessly, apparently dispersing and he gave Colonel Munford and the 2nd Virginia cavalry the honour of attacking the isolated Federal squadron. Munford, in turn, directed one detachment under Colonel J.W. Watts to pursue the enemy which they duly did until coming over the crest of a nearby ridge.

Now coming into view of Watts was Buford's four regiments in column and ready to fight. Buford yelled for the 1st Michigan to draw sabres and, followed by the 4th New York, Colonel Bromhead's Michigan regiment started forward before a bugle sounded to signal the order to charge. Munford had no time to maneuver except to counter charge and both Confederate and Union cavalry clashed in open combat for possibly the first time in the war. Colonel Munford, seriously wounded in the back by a Union sabre, later wrote; "They absorbed us....the shooting, running, cursing and cutting that followed cannot be understood except by an eye witness". Never before had a Yankee cavalry offered such resistance and, indeed, overrun one of Stuart's famed Rebel cavalry regiments in the manner that Buford's had just done. As the 4th New York entered the fray, Munford ordered a retreat back to the rest of his brigade.
Robertson (CSA) now ordered the rest of his brigade forward, in the form of the 7th and 12th Virginia under the command Major Myers and Colonel Harmon respectively. The 12th, followed by the 7th, formed a line and advanced towards the two Union cavalry regiments at a gallop. What followed was a classic melee of mounted men battling, sabre to sabre and pistol to pistol. The Rebel soldiers began to get the upper hand and soon forced the retreat from the field of Buford's cavalry. A member of the confederate 7th Virginia would later recount how the Yankee troops became "a mass of .....men dismounted and horses without riders...all trying to get away." Not all of Buford's men escaped; Colonel Bromhead, commanding the Michiganders, was surrounded and mortally wounded, many others were taken prisoner. Myles Keogh later recorded the cost this skirmish had on Buford's officer corp - "two majors wounded & thirteen line officers killed & wounded."

Pictured above is Lewis Spaun, 1st Michigan, Killed at Second Manassas, 30 August 1862 - The frock coat and Hardee hat are an excellent illustration of the early war uniform of the 1st Michigan.

The rapid retreat of the two engaged regiments also carried away the rest of the Federal cavalry. Despite John Buford's best efforts, within five minutes of the initial retreat, all four regiments were crossing the Bull Run at Lewis Ford."The head of Robertson's cavalry was now on the ridge overlooking Bull Run, and having seen no enemy in that direction, I was returning to the position of the artillery enfilading the Groveton road, when I received intelligence from General Robertson at the point I had just left that the enemy was there in force and asking re-enforcements. I ordered the two reserve regiments (Seventh and Twelfth) rapidly forward, and also a section of artillery, but before the latter could reach the point our cavalry, by resolute bravery, had put the enemy, under Buford, to ignominious flight across Bull Run, and were in full pursuit until our own artillery fire at the fugitives rendered it dangerous to proceed farther.In this brilliant affair over 300 of the enemy's cavalry were put to hors de combat, they, together with their horses and equipments, falling into our hands. Colonel Bromhead, First Michigan, died from his wounds next day. He was cut down by Adjutant [Lewis] Harman, Twelfth Virginia Cavalry. Major Atwood and a number of captains and lieutenants were among the prisoners."
J. E. B. STUART, (above)
Major-General, Commanding Cavalry.

What was significant about the cavalry fight at Lewis Farm on the third day of the battle was that Buford had prevented over 1200 of Stuart's Confederate cavalry from reaching the Union line of retreat on the Warrenton Turnpike. The affect of this engagement, should it have occurred, would have caused the widespread panic that Lee had hoped for. As it remained, the Union army withdrew bloodied but intact and was still a viable fighting force.Buford received some sort of wound in this fight although there are conflicting interpretations of its severity. Indeed, he was reported killed in some southern newspapers. Myles Keogh himself recorded that Buford "was wounded by spent ball in the knee". What ever it was, the wound did not appear to slow down the general - he was able to send an intelligence report the very next day and the brigade medical officer made no mention in his report of personally attending to Buford's injury.

The wounding during the battle indicates that Buford and his staff, Myles Keogh included, were in the thick of the action. Keogh stated in a later document that Buford "commanded in person" the initial charge of the 1st Michigan and where their General went, his two Irish staff, Keogh and O'Keeffe, would have followed. Buford later alluded to this fact when writing to the U.S. Army's Adjutant General, Lorenzo Thomas. In reference to Captains Keogh and O'Keeffe, Buford would state;

"These gentlemen accompanied me into Virginia and took active parts in almost every engagement the army had. They are young, spirited and accomplished gentlemen and with me have proven themselves to be dashing, gallant and daring soldiers, ready and anxious for service at all hours and under trying circumstances"
General Buford to U.S. Army's Adjutant General, October 5th, 1862


Following on from this success, Lee and the Confederate army continued to attack and on the 1st of September made a second large flanking manoeuvre, hoping to cut off the retreating Union army. With 'Stonewall' Jackson's brigade in the vanguard, the Rebels reached a town called Chantilly and there encountered Yankee forces under the command of Major-Generals Stevens and Philip Kearney. In the sharp fight that ensued during a horrendous thunderstorm, the Confederate advance was halted but a price - both Union generals were killed.

Although the four day engagement had now petered out, Myles Keogh may have had one further unusual task to perform before the end of the Second Battle of Bull Run....

Union Cavalry versus Confederate Cavalry

"...here there was the glorious reality of war, the bronzed faces, the worn uniforms, the well tattered flags, the roll of the heavy guns.....while the long line of cavalry, their helmets and accouterments shining in the morning sun, brought back one's boyish dreams of joust and tournament and made the heart beat high with chivalrous enthusiasm"

From the novel; Charles O'Malley - The Irish Dragoon by Charles James Lever


In rough terms, military professionals in the 19th century thought it took two years to train a raw recruit into a cavalryman. This is harder when the man you are training doesn't know how to ride a horse to begin with. This gave the Confederate cavalryman a distinct advantage in the first year of the Civil War and even up to the time, July 31st 1862, when Captain Myles Keogh (left) and Captain John O'Keeffe were assigned to the personal staff of cavalry brigade commander, General John Buford.

In Southern states, men generally rode horses and used them in daily activity. In the North, particularly northeastern states, men normally drove wagons or buggies instead of riding horses. As a result, while Southern cavalry regiments were concentrating on turning men into soldiers, Northern ones had the extra task of teaching them to ride. The only advantage the Union horsemen had over their opponents was the centralized horse procurement organization of the Northern army, relieving troopers of any responsibility for replacing an injured horse

In practice, poor horsemanship affected cavalry regiments from the East more, and was felt in the Army of the Potomac/Army of Virginia. Union cavalry there had enough trouble just moving mounted in formation, often losing a substantial number of men to falls and mishaps in a simple change of position. Actually fighting while mounted with such troops must have sent shudders through old mounted troopers like Buford. It was only practical for them to develop an early preference for dismounted action.

Cavalry forces were composed of troops of 100 men (comparable to an infantry company). Two troops composed a squadron, although later in the war these were generally replaced by battalions of four troops. Union cavalry regiments usually contained 12 troops, with Confederate regiments containing 10 troops. By the end of the war, 272 cavalry regiments were formed in the Union army and 137 in the Confederate army.

There were four types of mounted forces prevalent in the Civil War.
  1. Cavalry were forces that fought principally on horseback, armed with carbines, pistols, and especially sabers. Only a small percentage of Civil War forces met this definition—primarily Union mounted forces in the Eastern Theater during the first half of the war. Confederate forces in the East generally carried neither carbines nor sabers. A few Confederate regiments in the Western Theater carried shotguns, especially early in the war.
  2. Mounted infantry were forces that moved on horseback but dismounted for fighting on foot, armed principally with rifles. In the second half of the war, most of the units considered to be cavalry actually fought battles using the tactics of mounted infantry. An example of this was the celebrated "Lightning Brigade" of Col. John T. Wilder (right), which used horses to quickly arrive at a battlefield such as Chickamauga, but they deployed and fought using standard infantry formations and tactics. By contrast, at the Battle of Gettysburg, Federal cavalry under John Buford also dismounted to fight Confederate infantry, but they used conventional cavalry tactics, arms, and formations.
  3. Dragoons were hybrid forces that were armed as cavalrymen but were expected to fight on foot as well. The term comes from the English Civil War, representing a cross between light cavalry and infantry. The fighting tactics of the forces deployed by Union General Philip Sheridan in 1864, and by Confederate General Wade Hampton after the Battle of Yellow Tavern, fit the dragoon model, although those units did not adopt the term.
  4. Irregular forces (partisan rangers or guerrillas) were generally mounted forces. There is little commonality as to their weapons—in general, any available were used. The Confederacy produced the most famous irregular leaders, including William Clarke Quantrill, John S. Mosby, Nathan Bedford Forrest, and John Hunt Morgan (although the latter two did employ traditional mounted infantry tactics in some campaigns)
Equipping a cavalry regiment was an expensive proposition - approximately $100,000 per year for a Union regiment - and they demanded a large logistical infrastructure to support them. (Pictured above is a blacksmith's station at Antietam, 1862) A cavalry horse ate 10 pounds (4.5 kg) of grain each day, which had to be transported behind the otherwise fast-moving force.

Weaponry varied to some degree among the two armies - some mounted forces used traditional infantry rifles whereas cavalrymen, particularly in the North, were frequently armed with three other weapons:
  • Carbines , with a shorter barrel than a rifle, were less accurate, but easier to handle on horseback. Most carbines were .52- or .56-caliber, single-shot breech-loading weapons. They were manufactured by several different companies, but the most common were the Sharps, the Burnside, and the Smith. In 1863, the seven-shot Spencer (above) repeating carbine was introduced, but it was rarely deployed. A notable exception again was Union Colonel John T. Wilder, who equipped his entire "Lightning Brigade" with repeaters (at his men's own expense of $35 apiece) in May 1863. One Confederate stated that Wilder's men could "load on Sunday and fire all week." As we shall also learn, Buford's cavalry, including Keogh, carried single-shot, breechloading carbines manufactured by Sharps, Burnside, and others into battle at Gettysburg. It is a modern myth that they were armed with multi-shot repeating carbines. Nevertheless, they were able to fire two or three times faster than a muzzle-loaded carbine or rifle.
  • Sabers were used more frequently by Northern cavalrymen. They were terror weapons, more useful for instilling fear in their opponents than as practical offensive weapons; Confederate cavalrymen often avoided them simply because they considered sabers to be outmoded, unsuitable for the modern battlefield. One Southern cavalry commander noted that the only times during the war he used a saber was to roast meat over a fire. There were instances in the war in which Union cavalrymen taunted their opponents to "Pick up your sabers and fight like gentlemen!" Despite Southern attitudes towards such weapons, there were several notable instances where the saber saw much use by both sides, including the Battle of Brandy Station and the cavalry battles on the third day of Gettysburg. The American cavalry saber was lighter than the typical European saber, the latter being similar to the older U.S. Model 1840 "wrist breaker" (right). The curved blade of the saber was generally sharpened only at the tip because it was used mostly for breaking arms and collarbones of opposing horsemen, and sometimes stabbing, rather than for slashing flesh. A notable exception to this was the saber of Nathan Bedford Forrest (CSA), which was sharpened on both edges.

  • Pistols, which Southern cavalrymen generally preferred over sabers, were usually six-shot revolvers, in .36- or .44-caliber (above), from Colt or Remington. They were useful only in close fighting since they had little accuracy. It was common for cavalrymen to carry two revolvers, for extra firepower, and John Mosby's troopers (CSA) often carried four each.
The balance between the mounted soldiers of both armies became more even as the war progressed and in August 1862, Buford's Union cavalry met the famed Rebel cavalry head on during the final stages of the Battle of the Second Bull Run or, as it was called in the South, the Second Manassas. Alongside their new general, both Keogh and O'Keeffe would be in the thick of the action...

Lest We Forget


BATTLE OF THE LITTLE BIG HORN
JUNE 25-26, 1876

 7th U.S. Cavalry Killed in Action  

Commissioned Officers
Lieutenant Colonel George A. Custer, Commanding Regiment
Captain Myles Walter Keogh, Commanding Company I
1st Lieutenant William Winer Cooke, Regimental Adjutant
Captain George W. Yates, Commanding Company F
Captain Thomas Ward Custer, Commanding Company C
1st Lieutenant Donald McIntosh, Commanding Company G
1st Lieutenant James Calhoun, Commanding Company L
1st Lieutenant Algernon E. Smith, Commanding Company E
1st Lieutenant James E. Porter, Second-in-command, Company I
2nd Lieutenant Benjamin Hubert Hodgson, Adjutant to Major Marcus A. Reno
2nd Lieutenant Henry Moore Harrington, Second-in-command, Company C
2nd Lieutenant James Garland Sturgis, Second-in-command, Company E
2nd Lieutenant William Van W. Reily, Second-in-command, Company F
2nd Lieutenant John J. Crittenden, (20th U.S. Inf.), Second-in-command, Company L
Assistant Surgeon George E. Lord
Acting Assistant Surgeon James M. DeWolf

Non-Commissioned Staff
 Sergeant Major William H. Sharrow
Chief Trumpeter Henry Voss

Company A
 Corporal James Dalious
Private John E. Armstrong
Private James Drinan
Private James McDonald
Private William Moodie
Private Richard Rollins
Private John Sullivan
Private Thomas P. Sweetser

Company B
Private Richard Dorn
Private George B. Mask

Company C
1st Sergeant Edwin Bobo
Sergeant Jeremiah Finley
Sergeant George August Finckle
Corporal Henry E. French
Corporal John Foley
Corporal Daniel Ryan
Trumpeter Thomas J. Bucknell
Trumpeter William Kramer
Saddler George Howell
Blacksmith John King
Private Fred E. Allan
Private John Brightfield
Private Christopher Criddle
Private George Eiseman
Private Gustave Engle
Private James Farrand
Private Patrick Griffin
Private James Hathersall
Private John Lewis
Private Frederick Meier
Private August Meyer
Private Edgar Phillips
Private John Rauter
Private Edward Rix
Private James H. Russell
Private Ludwick St. John
Private Samuel S. Shade
Private Jeremiah Shea
Private Nathan Short
Private Alpheus Stuart
Private Ygnatz Stungewitz
Private John Thadus
Private Garrett Van Allen
Private Oscar L. Warner
Private Willis B. Wright
Private Henry Wyman

Company D
Farrier Vincent Charley
Private Patrick M. Golden
Private Edward Housen

Company E
1st Sergeant Frederick Hohmeyer
Sergeant John S. Ogden
Sergeant William B. James
Corporal Thomas Eagan
Corporal Henry S. Mason
Corporal George C. Brown
Corporal Albert H. Meyer
Trumpeter Thomas McElroy
Trumpeter George A. Moonie
Private William H. Baker
Private Robert Barth
Private Owen Boyle
Private James Brogan
Private Edward Conner
Private John Darris
Private William Davis
Private Richard Farrell
Private John S. S. Forbes
Private John Heim
Private John Henderson
Private Sykes Henderson
Private William Hiuber
Private Andrew Knecht
Private Herod T. Liddiard
Private Patrick O'Connor
Private William H. Rees
Private Edward Rood
Private Henry Schele
Private William Smallwood
Private Albert A. Smith
Private James Smith, 1st
Private James Smith, 2nd
Private Benjamin Stafford
Private Alexander Stella
Private William A. Torrey
Private Cornelius Van Sant
Private George Walker

Company F
1st Sergeant Michael Kenney
Sergeant Frederick Nursey
Sergeant John Vickory
Sergeant John R. Wilkinson
Corporal Charles Coleman
Corporal William Teeman
Corporal John Briody
Trumpeter Thomas N. Way
Farrier Benjamin Brandon
Blacksmith James R. Manning
Private Thomas Atcheson
Private William Brady
Private Benjamin F. Brown
Private William Brown
Private Patrick Bruce
Private Lucien Burnham
Private James Carney
Private Armantheus D. Cather
Private Anton Dohman
Private Timothy Donnelly
Private John Gardiner
Private George W. Hammon
Private John P. Kelly
Private Gustave Klein
Private Herman Knauth
Private William H. Lerock
Private Werner L. Liemann
Private William A. Lossee
Private Christian Madsen
Private Francis E. Milton
Private Joseph Monroe
Private Sebastian Omling
Private Patrick Rudden
Private Richard Saunders
Private Francis W. Sicfous
Private George A. Warren

Company G
Sergeant Edward Botzer
Sergeant Martin Considine
Corporal James Martin
Corporal Otto Hagemann
Trumpeter Henry Dose
Farrier Benjamin Wells
Saddler Crawford Selby
Private John J. McGinniss
Private Andrew J. Moore
Private John Rapp
Private Benjamin F. Rogers
Private Henry Seafferman
Private Edward Stanley

Company H
Corporal George Lell
Private Juilien D. Jones
Private Thomas E. Meador

Company I
1st Sergeant Frank E. Varden
Sergeant James Bustard
Corporal John Wild
Corporal George C. Morris
Corporal Samuel F. Staples
Trumpeter John McGucker
Trumpeter John W. Patton
Saddler Henry A. Bailey
Private John Barry
Private Joseph F. Broadhurst
Private Thomas Connors
Private David Cooney
Private Thomas P. Downing
Private Edward Driscoll
Private David C. Gillette
Private George H. Gross
Private Adam Hetesimer
Private Edward P. Holcomb
Private Marion E. Horn
Private Patrick Kelly
Private Henry Lehman
Private Edward W. Lloyd
Private Archibald McIlhargey
Private John Mitchell
Private Jacob Noshang
Private John O'Bryan
Private John Parker
Private Felix James Pitter
Private George Post
Private James Quinn
Private William Reed
Private John W. Rossbury
Private Darwin L. Symms
Private James E. Troy
Private Charles Von Bramer
Private William B. Whaley

Company K
1st Sergeant Dewitt Winney
Sergeant Robert M. Hughes
Corporal John J. Callahan
Trumpeter Julius Helmer
Private Elihu F. Clear

1st Sgt. Butler's Battlefield Marker

Company L
1st Sergeant James Butler
Sergeant William Cashan
Sergeant Amos B. Warren
Corporal William H. Harrison
Corporal John Seiler
Corporal William H. Gilbert
Trumpeter Frederick Walsh
Blacksmith Charles Siemon
Saddler Charles Perkins
Private George E. Adams
Private William Andrews
Private Anthony Assadaly
Private Elmer Babcock
Private Ami Cheever
Private William B. Crisfield
Private John L. Crowley
Private William Dye
Private James J. Galvan
Private Charles Graham
Private Henry Hamilton
Private Weston Harrington
Private Louis Haugge
Private Francis T. Hughes
Private Thomas G. Kavanagh
Private Louis Lobering
Private Charles McCarthy
Private Peter McGue
Private Bartholomew Mahoney
Private Thomas E. Maxwell
Private John Miller
Private David J. O'Connell
Private Oscar F. Pardee
Private Christian Reibold
Private Henry Roberts
Private Walter B. Rogers
Private Charles Schmidt
Private Charles Scott
Private Bent Siemonson
Private Andrew Snow
Private Byron Tarbox
Private Edmond D. Tessier
Private Thomas S. Tweed
Private Johann Michael Vetter

Company M
Sergeant Miles F. O'Hara
Corporal Henry M. Cody
Corporal Frederick Stressinger
Private Frank Braun
Private Henry Gordon
Private Jacob Gebhart
Private Henry Klotzbucher
Private George Lorentz
Private William D. Meyer
Private George E. Smith
Private David Summers
Private Henry Turley
Private Henry C. Voight

Civilians
Boston Custer, brother of George and Thomas
Henry Armstrong Reed, nephew of George
Mark Kellogg, Newspaper Reporter for the Bismarck Tribune
Frank C. Mann, Chief Packer
Charley Reynolds, Chief Scout
Isaiah Dorman, Negro-Indian Interpreter
Mitch Bouyer, half-breed
Bloody Knife
Bob-Tailed Bull
Little Brave
Battlefield Monument

Nurse Margaret Kehoe, The Rising's 'First Martyr'




Courtesy of Keogh Family
A descendant of one of the most heroic and dashing figures from American military history died in the fighting in Dublin during the 1916 Easter Rising, and was immediately commemorated, not without controversy, by republicans as the Rising's "first martyr."

Nurse Margaret Kehoe, slain during an exchange of rifle fire between Irish and British forces in South Dublin Union, was grandniece to 'Beau Sabreur' Myles Walter Keogh, a captain in the Seventh U.S. Cavalry who perished in June 1876 alongside his commander George Armstrong Custer and about 220 troopers in "Custer's Last Stand."

In Dublin on Easter Monday, April 24,1916, the first day of fighting during the Rising, Kehoe was on duty at the public workhouse and hospital. The 1916 Rebellion Handbook, first published by The Irish Times not long after the Rising, mentions Kehoe, more or less in passing, as an innocent bystander. She was "accidentally killed by a stray shot whilst discharging her duty." However, accounts vary as to how Margaret died in the bloody fight at the South Dublin Union, a place for Dublin's destitute, infirm and insane.

mwkdsm.jpg - 4.73 K

The complex was spread over 50 acres and consisted of an array of buildings. Records show that in April 1916, 3,282 people, including patients, doctors, nurses and ancillary staff, were housed or working among the buildings.

Most sources and witnesses stated that Kehoe had been on duty that Monday in one of the hospital buildings, Hospital 2-3, as the battle raged all around. Six republican riflemen, who had been firing from a top floor on the British soldiers, vacated their position and there was a lull in the firing.

Nurse Kehoe decided to look into the safety of any patients or wounded on the lower floor. At the foot of the stairs, the corridor was occupied by two British soldiers kneeling out of sight, covering the open doorway with their rifles. As she entered the corridor, they both fired, killing her instantly.

A distraught colleague rushed to her aid but it was too late. Her body was placed on a table in the corridor. Shortly afterwards, Irish Volunteer Dan McCarthy, who had been badly wounded in the volley of gunfire that caused Margaret Kehoe to descend, was laid beside her on the table. McCarthy survived, becoming president of the Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA) from 1921 to 1924.



The South Dublin Union
Eamonn Ceannt, the commander of the garrison, addressed the men afterward, and declared that the nurse was the "first martyr" of the rebellion, and asked the those present to remember her sacrifice. Ceannt stated: "She died for Ireland just as surely as if she'd worn the Volunteer's uniform."

Since her death, Kehoe has been claimed by republican sources as one of their own, a member of the Irish women's republican movement, Cumann na mBan. Yet the assertion that she was an active participant has never been verified by the canonical listing prepared for the National Graves Association, nor in any reputable sources of the 1916 Rising.

The ownership, as it were, of Kehoe's death remains disputed. Perhaps her fate -- doing her duty while caught in crossfire during the Rising -- provides an apt metaphor for the experience of women in the Irish revolution.

Margaret lived on the family farm at Orchard, Leighlinbridge, County Carlow, Myles Keogh's birthplace. She was buried in the Union grounds, where she was shot, but afterward her body was exhumed and reinterred in Ballinabranna cemetery, in her native parish of Leighlin. Commemoration ceremonies in honor of her memory and sacrifice commonly take place there.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

This article was first published on the Irish Heritage Site, www.thewildgeese.com

150 Years Ago On This Day...

As the 150th anniversary commemorations of the American Civil War continue, this site will post moments in history relating to the duties and actions of Myles Keogh on that day 150 years ago, from his arrival in America to the end of the war in 1865.

The series will begin on April 1, 2012, corresponding with Keogh's arrival in America on that date in 1862.

The first known photograph of Myles Walter Keogh in a Union Army captain's uniform, circa April 1862