Brevet Lieutenant Colonel Myles Keogh

Myles Walter Keogh (March 25, 1840 – June 25, 1876) was an Irishman who fought in Italy during the 1860 Papal War before volunteering for the Union side in the American Civil War (1861 to 1865). During the war years, he was promoted from the rank of Captain to that of Major, finally being awarded the brevet rank of Lieutenant Colonel. After the Civil War ended, Keogh received a permanent commission as Captain of Company I, 7th U.S. Cavalry Regiment commanded by George Armstrong Custer during the Indian Wars of the 1870s. Myles Keogh was killed with Custer at the Battle of the Little Bighorn, June 25th 1876.

We will be analysing Keogh's life and career in chronological order - scroll down the opening page or click on the black triangles under 'Previous Articles' to access past research. If you wish to have an quick overview, watch the video below or visit the following recommended articles:

Keogh & Comanche - New Painting


Commissioned for the National Museum of the Morgan Horse, this original oil painting is now on display at that museum in Middlebury, Vermont. It was the artist's intention that the details relating to period, uniform, accessories and horse tack were accurately represented in the painting. The artist, signed as Lazarus, even modeled a horse in similar tack to get the posture correct.

Behind Captain Keogh and 'Comanche' are
Lt. Col. George Armstrong Custer and, left to right, Crow King, Rain In The Face, Gall & Sitting Bull.

It is expected that prints in two sizes will be commercially available in the near future.

150 Years Ago On This Day...

As the 150th anniversary commemorations of the American Civil War continue, this site will post moments in history relating to the duties and actions of Myles Keogh on that day 150 years ago, from his arrival in America to the end of the war in 1865.

The series will begin on April 2, 2012, corresponding with Keogh's arrival in America on that date in 1862.


The first known photograph of Myles Walter Keogh in a Union Army captain's uniform, circa April 1862

Ireland & the American Civil War

A new and noble cause. More Irish fought in the American Civil War than in WWI and WWII combined. It's time for Ireland to recognise their sacrifice...


A number of like-minded individuals, who wish to promote Irish involvement in the American Civil War, have begun to commemorate this iconic conflict in Ireland. The aim is to develop a Civil War Trail and Memorial to those from the entire island who were caught up in the conflict. A site has now been developed to further this goal, called the Irish American Civil War Trail. It provides the project’s mission statement, and also a drop down list of potential trail locations within Ireland categorized by county.

The site is still under development and there are many images and locations to be added, particularly concerning the birthplaces of Colonels and Medal of Honor recipients. However, it will be added to over time and it is hoped it will act as a catalyst for the development of local interest at these locations. Please drop by and have a look at the site, and feel free to make suggestions as to potential additions, clarifications or to provide further detail on entries. We would also welcome any photographs of sites in Ireland that could be added. If you would like to contact the group you can do so on the Civil War Trail site or by emailing americancivilwarandireland@gmail.com.

Kildare's James Martin May Be Garryowen's Unknown Soldier

Story and Photos By Robert Doyle
 

The Peace Memorial at Garryowen.
In 1895, the Chicago, Burlington and Quincy Railroad established a tiny station on the edge of the Little Bighorn battlefield and called it "Garryowen," after the Seventh's regimental marching song. By the mid-1920s, Garryowen was in private hands and was little more than a small market town. In May 1926, almost 50 years after "Custer's Last Stand," construction work was being carried out on an irrigation ditch just east of this station, along the line of retreat Major Marcus Reno's men took early in the battle. While digging, workmen discovered a near complete set of skeletal remains, accompanied by 7th Cavalry uniform buttons. The dead soldier appeared to be have been decapitated after death as no skull or skull fragments were ever found.

Looking down on Reno's retreat route from the area he defended.
The remains were buried in Garryowen with full military honors that year and overlain with a granite memorial inscribed: "Here rests in honored glory an American soldier known but to God." But was this dead trooper American-born? Possibly not. It's likely, in fact, he was a native of Ireland. James Martin was born just outside Kildare Town in 1847. He enlisted in the 7th Cavalry on February 6, 1872, at age 24, and is recorded as having gray eyes, brown hair, fair complexion, standing at 5'5" tall. He met his end during Major Reno's retreat when he was shot from his horse and killed by a group of warriors.
At the time of the battle, the Santee Sioux still ritually practiced decapitation instead of scalping, and Martin may have encountered them. His remains were never identified, but Private John Foley from Dublin made the grisly discovery of a head under a kettle in the Indian village days after the battle. Foley went on record as stating that it belonged to a corporal from G Company.
Battlefield monument on the spot of a mass grave of 7th Cavalry troopers.
As only two corporals from Co. G were killed during the battle — Martin and a German called Otto Hagemann — Foley's identification of the head probably stems from his recognition of James Martin's facial features and his knowledge that this fellow Irishman was a corporal in the Seventh's Company G. The intriguing possibility is that the skeletal remains uncovered in 1926 and buried in Garryowen as the "soldier known but to God" could, in fact, be Martin's. The bones were discovered near the spot of his death, and the lack of a skull with the skeleton further suggests that the remains could be those of the Kildare man, one of only a few soldiers whose severed heads were found in the abandoned Indian village. Certainty might be established by an exhumation and the use of DNA evidence, but it is probably more fitting that this soldier rests with honors near the monument to the fight in which he gave his life.

________________

Artilce first appeared on www.thewildgeese.com


An Irishman's Diary - The Irish Times, Friday, November 4, 2011


'Keogh only ran out of luck in 1876, at a place called Little Bighorn. Where, poignant as his last stand was, it at least has the consolation for Irish readers that there were no fellow Paddies (that we know of) shooting at him, alongside Crazy Horse and his men'. Photograph: Frank Lerner/Time Life Pictures/Getty Images'Keogh only ran out of luck in 1876, at a place called Little Bighorn. Where, poignant as his last stand was, it at least has the consolation for Irish readers that there were no fellow Paddies (that we know of) shooting at him, alongside Crazy Horse and his men'. Photograph: Frank Lerner/Time Life Pictures/Getty Images

By FRANK McNALLY

IT SEEMS like only last week I attended the opening, whereas in fact it was in late 2006. So it’s rather sobering to be reminded by an e-mail from the National Museum that “Soldiers and Chiefs”, the epic military exhibition at Collins Barracks, has now lasted longer than the first World War.

Not that the show is especially concerned with that war, or any other conflict in particular. It’s an overview of 400 years of Irish military history. Which, considering the number of battles fought on this island in that period, combined with the Irish propensity for getting involved in other people’s struggles – and often fighting on both sides – is a very broad canvas. The exhibition’s keynote, arguably, is the tale of Myles Keogh, a 19th-century Carlow man who claimed to have fought in the French foreign legion. He might have made that bit of his life story up. But he certainly did fight for the Vatican army against Garibaldi’s forces in 1860, and then crossed the Atlantic to distinguish himself on the Union side of the American civil war, a conflict in which the older version of Irish neutrality – having combatants on both sides, killing each other – reached its apogee.

Keogh only ran out of luck in 1876, at a place called Little Bighorn. Where, poignant as his last stand was, it at least has the consolation for Irish readers that there were no fellow Paddies (that we know of) shooting at him, alongside Crazy Horse and his men.

But back to the first World War. And as it happens, the Collins Barracks exhibition – having garnered awards and a million visitors since it opened – will mark its fifth anniversary next week (November 12th) with a day of talks related to that conflict. Among them, I see, is one by Oliver Fallon of the Connaught Rangers Association on the theme: “Snow and mosquitoes – the Connaught Rangers on the Salonika Front 1915-1917”.

I ONLY mention that talk in particular because the name “Salonika” immediately set me singing a certain bawdy Cork ballad made famous by Jimmy Crowley. You’re probably singing it now too, reader; although, if you’re like me, you may have noticed that, famous as it is, you can’t remember the words.

So after reading the National Museum’s e-mail, I looked up both the lyrics and the song’s history, insofar as it has one. And I realised that part of the difficulty in memorising it is that the ballad is itself is a theatre of conflict. Maybe this was deliberate, because it could be seen as a debate between two Cork women on different sides of the war effort.

But it’s also likely that, whatever the politics of the original author, there were verses added by others. In any case, the version popularised by Jimmy Crowley juxtaposes competing views about the war. I should explain that, decades before it became a lifestyle choice in 1990s America, being a “slacker” was a pejorative term for men who refused to enlist.

Hence the verse “Now when the war is over/What will the slackers do?/They’ll be all around the soldiers/For the loan of a bob or two” is immediately followed by the riposte: “But when the war is over?What will the soldiers do?/They’ll be walking around with a leg-and-a-half/And the slackers will have two.” And so it continues, although it’s not always clear which side is talking.

Having seized the initiative with that last verse, the anti-war narrator pushes home the advantage with an extended rant about government taxation: “And they tax their pound o’ butter/They tax their halfpenny bun/But still with all their taxes/They can’t beat the bloody Hun./And they tax th’ould Coliseum/They tax St Mary’s Hall/Why don’t they tax the bobbies/Wi’ their backs ag’in’ the wall?”

Then the pro-war lobby retaliates by opening up yet another front – Cork people’s implied propensity, when not busy fighting foreign wars, to breed: “But when the war is over/What will the slackers do?/For every kid in Amerikay/In Cork there will be two/For they takes us out to Blarney/They lays us on the grass/They puts us in the family way/And leaves us on our arse.”

After that, the scene switches to a comfortable domestic setting, presumably the house of a soldier’s wife, benefiting as she does both from remittances of her husband’s pay and the government’s “separation allowance”, viz: “There’s lino in the parlour/And in the kitchen too/A glass-backed chevonier/That we got from Dicky Glue.” (*No I have no idea what a chevonier is, nor do any of my dictionaries.* Dickie Glue, apparently, was a Cork pawnbroker.) But the last word, at least in Jimmy Crowley’s version, goes to the anti-war side: “And never marry a soldier/A sailor or a Marine/But keep your eye on the Sinn Féin boy/With his yellow, white and green.”

Whether that was the intention of the original author is questionable, although maybe Cork readers will be able to provide enlightenment. Either way, it strikes me that Soldiers and Chiefs could do with adding yet another room to the exhibition, dealing with how Ireland’s wars were fought in song. In “Soldiers and Slackers”, there’s a ready-made subtitle.

*Chiffonier - A narrow high chest of drawers or bureau, often with a mirror attached.


http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/opinion/2011/1104/1224307039434.html

Myles Keogh at the ‘Soldiers & Chiefs’ Exhibition in Dublin


Soldiers and Chiefs is the largest single exhibition ever undertaken by the National Museum of Ireland. Some 910 objects and 210 loans are displayed in an area of almost 1700m2 on two floors at the Museum’s Decorative Arts and History premises at Collins Barracks, Dublin, Ireland. The exhibition aims to tell the story of Irishmen and women who participated at home and abroad in foreign armies over the past 500 years - from the Elizabethan Wars of the 16th century to the Irish Defence Force's peacekeeping role with the United Nations.


In the area of the exhibition highlighting the role of the Irish soldier in North America, one of the cabinets is dedicated to Myles Keogh. It displays some of his personal effects generously on loan from the Autry National Centre in Los Angeles. Among the items present are Keogh’s 7th Cavalry epaulets, his sabre and scabbard and Keogh’s certificate of U.S. citizenship which he received in 1869. To highlight Myles Keogh’s colourful military career, a cap from the uniform he wore while serving in Italy with the Pontifical Army is also on display in a separate section of the exhibition.

Although the Soldiers and Chiefs exhibition is set to be a permanent fixture at Collins Barracks, the objects on display will, over time, be subject to change. For example, many of the Keogh artifacts are due to be returned to the Autry Museum with the expiration of their loan term. However, for any visitor to Dublin with an interest in military history and the role played by the Irish soldier, a trip to 'Soldiers and Chiefs' should be top of the itinerary.

Keogh's sabre and scabbard alongside a Winchester rifle. Above are Keogh's 7th Cav. epaulets. The framed picture beneath is of Major General Buford and staff, Keogh included, taken soon after the Battle of Gettysburg.

Myles Keogh's certificate of U.S. citizenship, dated 1869.

The decorative scarlet kepi that Keogh wore as part of his papal uniform. Myles Keogh served as a Second Lieutenant in the Papal Army between 1860 and 1862.

Stoneman's 1865 Raid - Part 1: The Sacking of Boone

Major Myles Keogh with Tennessean Robert Morrow, also of Stoneman's staff, circa 1865.

On March 21, 1865 and after months of planning, including Keogh's lengthy stint in Kentucky refitting prospective regiments, George Stoneman could finally report to Generals Thomas and Grant that his whole command was now on the road. "It is a long, rough, bad road where we are going" he continued, "and every precaution and care has been and must continue to be taken in order that our horses may not be broken down in the first part, which is over a country destitute of subsistence."

Among the precautions that Stoneman alluded to were, in part, influenced by Grant's requirement that the raiders march light. Circulars from HQ dictated that each company of cavalry was allowed only two pack mules - one for ammunition and the other for the officers' mess and company cooking utensils. Each man was to carry 63 rounds of ammunition, two horseshoes and nails, kitchen utensils, a canteen and horse-grooming tools.

This cavalry division of the District of East Tennessee, under the immediate command of Brig. Gen. Alvan C. Gillem (left), was composed of three brigades: Colonel William J. Palmer's First Brigade, Brevet Brig. Gen. Simeon B. Brown's 2nd Brigade, and Colonel John K. Miller's 3rd Brigade, as well as a battery of artillery under Lieutenant James M. Regan. As commander of the East Tennessee district, Stoneman personally accompanied Gillem's cavalry division to oversee the mission. Alongside the general would be his senior aide-de-camp, Major Myles Keogh.

While Stoneman's raid was a cavalry expedition, a two brigade infantry division - Brig. Gen. Davis Tillson's 4th Division of the Department of the Cumberland (4500 soldiers) - marched behind the mounted troopers with the express role of repairing railroad tracks and holding captured terrain and mountain passes.

As the raiders progressed through East Tennessee, little occurred of significance apart from battling the unkind elements of wind, rain and frost. By Sunday, March 26, Stoneman's raiders had reached Doe River Cove near the North Carolina Road. The general and his staff spent the night bunking in a nearby cabin where they were sought out by John J. Wickham, an expert telegraph operator. Apparently, Wickham entered the dimly lit cabin, saw Stoneman at the opposite end of the dwelling and proceeding to tip-toe over the slumbering figures on the ground, unwilling to disturb their rest. Unfortunately for the visitor, he clumsily trod on none other than Myles Keogh. The Irishman angrily awoke from his sleep and confronted poor Wickham. Harsh words were initially exchanged between the two men but the matter soon ended and they eventually bunked down together, grabbing a few hours of much needed rest. A presumably bemused Stoneman continued with his planning.

The following day, Stoneman issued orders for a rapid push across the Watauga River and into North Carolina. As the evening wore on and darkness fell, the mountain roads over which the line of cavalry men rode would be particularly treacherous. Some loyal citizens lit fires by which the men were guided over the winding tracks. Soldiers later vividly recollected these evenings where the "fires were lighting up everything about, and the troopers looked like mounted specters, moving silently along."

After an exhausting night's ride, Stoneman awoke on March 28 to news that a meeting of Confederate Home Guard would be taking place in Boone, the Watauga County seat, that very day. Home Guard units were, essentially, the last defence against any invading Union forces and, in those final stages of the war, took on a more active role as the South had few fighting-fit regular army personnel to spare. Many of the Home Guard volunteers were wounded soldiers who had returned to home to recuperate.

Stoneman directed Major Keogh to take command of a detachment of the 12th Kentucky Cavalry and proceed to Boone to investigate the reports. The 12th Kentucky had a poor record for behaviour such as desertion and a habit of "insulting and otherwise doing violence to peaceable citizens." Much of the blame for this has been laid at the feet of their commander, Major James B. Harrison. Regardless, the 12th could fight and it is likely that Keogh was given command to ensure discipline while carrying out reconnaissance on a civilian town. The Union detachment was guided to Boone by lead scout, William McKesson Blalock (right) ; a southerner who had become a Unionist after initially fighting for the Rebels. A North Carolina native, Blalock was only itching to exact some retribution on locals who had persecuted him for abandoning the Confederate cause.

The Watauga County Home Guard, Major Harvey Bingham's 11th Battalion, were no ramshackle unit. Bingham, a twice-wounded veteran, had raised two companies and created "Camp Mast" were the men could be stationed. This Home Guard had been battling Unionist sympathisers like Blalock with some degree of success until just weeks before Keogh and the 12th Kentucky rode into town. The previous month, "Camp Mast" had been attacked by around one hundred "Tar Heels" - a title bestowed on Unionists from the North Carolina area. The outpost was captured and Bingham's men were routed. The meeting on March 28 was the locals first step in reorganising their militia. Unfortunately for them, the Union cavalry would put paid to those aspirations.

Boone was nestled in a valley surrounded by tree-covered hills and mountains. Although not large, it did consist of several log cabins, some larger homes, a court house, an inn and a general store. A little after eleven o clock in the morning, its peace was shattered as Major Keogh led the Kentucky boys straight into the town centre. About one hundred Home Guardsmen were armed and drilling at that time near the courthouse and, despite Keogh attaining the element of surprise, the militia resolved not to be defeated for a second time in as many months. The locals opened fire and the blue-coated troopers were welcomed with a hail of bullets.


Major Keogh ordered a charge and, with sabers drawn, the raiders galloped up the main street at the Confederates. According to one of the Union participants, the skirmish became "hotly contested." Unslinging their carbines and letting loose a number of volleys of their own, Keogh's men blasted away at any thing that moved. One of the townsfolk, Mrs. James Councill, stepped onto the doorway of her porch, her child in her arms, and into an enfilade of fire. The wooden porch around her was peppered with bullets but miraculously, she and the child escaped unharmed. The Home Guardsmen quickly realised that their attackers were more than just local Unionists springing another attack and that the enemy to their front were, in fact, part of Stoneman's dreaded raiders. The militia began to flee but were shown little mercy by some of the Union cavalry. The bodies of some fallen Confederate volunteers indicate that they were shot in the back. Evidence also suggests that the scout, William Blalock, shot one of the locals, a Mr. Warren Green, while he was trying to surrender. In the heat of battle, some discipline was discarded when the opportunity for vengeance presented itself.

The fight did continue in the town as a series of running street skirmishes where some of the Rebels refused to flee. The local sheriff, A. J. McBride, gave as good as he got. Intent on seeking out Blalock, the lawman fought until he was incapacitated by a bullet to his chest. Fifteen-year-old Steel Frazier led the cavalrymen on a cat and mouse chase around the outskirts of the town, eventually escaping and later claiming that he had "hit two bluejackets."


Historical Marker on East King Street, Boone, North Carolina

When the gunfire finally ceased, the injured were treated and a morgue was set up in a local dwelling. Keogh's men suffered few casualties; likely a handful of wounded but no fatalities. In later reports, both Generals Stoneman and Gillem recorded that nine Home Guardsmen had been killed and a little over sixty captured. Gillem was clear as to who should attain any glory from this lively skirmish: "Much credit is due to Major Keogh and the gallant officers and men of the Twelfth Kentucky Cavalry engaged in this affair." Before leaving the town, General Gillem ordered that the local jail be burned to the ground. As the black smoke rose above Boone, the rest of the cavalry division approached from the west, reuniting Stoneman's command for the next stage of their mission.

Source and additional recommended reading:

'Stoneman's Raid 1865' by Chris J. Hartley.



Keogh's Medals and the Galt House Fire


Galt House Hotel, Louisville, as it looked before the 1865 fire.


Stoneman's command trooped wearily into Knoxville, Tennessee, on 29 December 1864, having fulfilled a large part of the mission they began nineteen days earlier. By now, Sherman had completed his famed march to the sea, and Grant was tightening his stranglehold on Lee's army at Richmond and Petersburg. It was now becoming clear to Myles Keogh that the upcoming spring campaign would see the final actions of the war.

Soon after returning to Knoxville, Keogh, possibly in the company of General Stoneman, journeyed to Louisville, Kentucky, arriving in the early days of 1865. While in the city, the Irish officer boarded at the famous Galt House Hotel on the northeast corner of Second and Main streets. Acclaimed as Louisville's best hotel at that time, Galt House was originally the residence of Dr. W.C. Galt but by 1835, had been refurbished and opened as a 60-room hotel. Prior to Keogh's stay, Galt House had already quite a history. In 1842, the English author, Charles Dickens, wrote of his time as a guest at the hotel when he described himself "as handsomely lodged as though we had been in Paris."


Two decades later, the controversial killing of Major General William "Bull" Nelson in the foyer of this Louisville hotel would make headlines around the nation. Wounded in defeat at the Battle of Richmond, Nelson convalesced in Louisville while holding command of its defences when Confederate General Braxton Bragg threatened the city. On 29 September, 1862, Brigadier General Jefferson C. Davis confronted General Nelson in the foyer of the hotel in an ongoing row over military authority. Their argument escalated and Nelson slapped Davis in the face, challenging him to a duel. Within a few minutes, Davis had returned with a pistol he had borrowed, and shot and killed Nelson. The General whispered, "It's all over," and died fifteen minutes later. The controversy arose as Davis was arrested but never tried for killing Nelson.

During the Civil War, the Galt House was commonly used for meetings of Union generals. In March 1864, Generals Ulysses S. Grant and William Tecumseh Sherman met at the hotel to plan the invasion that led to the successful capture of Atlanta, Georgia and Sherman's March to the Sea.

Keogh's presence in Louisville, a city that he would visit regularly in the future, was likely related to organising the various Kentucky regiments under General Stoneman's command. The United States Subsistence Department was just at the back of the hotel which might offer another reason for Keogh/Stoneman to be there, kitting the command out for the forthcoming campaign.

In the early hours of 11 January, 1865, a fire took hold in the hotel and seems to have swept through the building at frightening speed. According to newspaper reports of the day, by 3.30 a.m. that Wednesday morning, Galt House was almost entirely in ruins. 'The New York Times' reported that the aggregate loss was "nearly a million of dollars." The remains of two bodies were discovered among the debris, one of whom was identified as "William Hanna, of Shelby County, Kentucky."

The suddenness of the event seems to have caught Myles Keogh by surprise as he had to escape from the flames leaving behind his cherished papal medals, the Pro Petri Sede and the Cross of St. Gregory, and some important personal papers. All were lost in the inferno and it would be two and half years later before Keogh had the medals replaced. On 30 September, 1867, Myles wrote home telling his brother Tom:
"My decorations that I lost in the fire in 64 [actually 1865] have been forwarded to me from Paris by a kind friend."
Keogh did indeed receive a full-sized set of replacements and replica miniatures from Paris through his "kind friend", Mr. Dexter Bradford of New York. This "Dexter Bradford" is presumably S. Dexter Bradford Jr., son of acclaimed Massachusetts writer, Samuel Dexter Bradford. Once described by 'The New York Times' as a "noted turfman and New-York society clubman", Bradford Jr. was a wealthy playboy who would have had the necessary contacts to arrange for the reproduction of Keogh's papal war medals in Paris. How Myles became acquainted with Bradford Jr., or the extent of their friendship, is yet unknown.

In this 1870 photograph, Keogh can be seen posing with an assortment of papal medals, including the miniature replacements as well as a Fifteenth Corps badge.

As for Galt House - within weeks, noted architect R. Whitestone began plans for the construction of a new hotel a block away from the original site, at First and Main. The project cost $1.5 million, an extraordinary sum considering the country was still recovering from the Civil War. The new Galt, which opened in 1869, was once again the centre of Louisville's community. However, after falling on hard times at the end of the century, Galt House II was closed in 1919 due to financial difficulties and soon after, in 1921, the building was demolished.

Plaque at the site of the original Galt House, Louisville

Almost half a century later, in 1973, the Galt House was re-established by developer Al Schneider as part of Louisville's Riverfront Urban Renewal Project. An east tower was added in 1984, and the hotel is now one of the largest hotels in the Southeast United States.

Over the first months of 1865, Stoneman refitted his command in the hope that he would have one more chance to conduct a raid. By March, Stoneman's cavalry was finally prepared to drive old Dixie down...

Back in the Saddle - Stoneman's Raid on Saltville

"I owe the Southern Confederacy a debt I am anxious to liquidate, and this appears a propitious occasion"

Major-General George Stoneman, Department of the Ohio HQ, Knoxville, Tenn., November 26, 1864.

Stoneman's disastrous raid into Georgia during the summer of 1864, coupled with his defeat and capture at Macon, had shattered the Union general's personal reputation. Critics opinionated that the New Yorker "couldn't command a company let alone a corps of cavalry." It was a low point in Stoneman's career and likely bemoaned by his chief of staff, Myles Keogh, who must have wondered if his career was now destined to be in administration alongside his general; desk-bound for the remainder of the war. However, George Stoneman (right) did retain the confidence of some high profile commanders, particularly Major General John M. Schofield, commander of the Department of the Ohio.

Soon after Stoneman had recovered from his three month spell of captivity, Schofield (left) offered him the position as his second in command. It was a chance for redemption that the normally stoical George Stoneman was eager to grasp. Within weeks, he had put together a plan to yet again raid deep into enemy territory, targeting the South's dwindling resources including the vital salt mill at Saltville, Virginia. It was a daring plan and one of personal courage for Stoneman as a second failed raid would surely spell a lifetime of ignominy. As his senior aide, Major Myles Keogh was dispatched to Lexington to oversee the assembly of a new cavalry force drawn from loyal Tennesseans and Kentuckians. From there, Keogh updated Stoneman as to the progress:

LEXINGTON, November 17, 1864. (Received 10.20 a. m. 18th.)

Major-General STONEMAN, Headquarters Department of the Ohio:

Major-General Burbridge will have 1,000 men on the road to Crab Orchard by to-morrow night. Shall he push them on? To where, and by what route? We shall have 3,000 concentrated on the route you spoke of in four days, and if he has permission from headquarters to press horses from loyal as well as disloyal citizens, he can have altogether from 6,000 to 8,000 men ready in ten days. There are two field batteries mounted and complete. Telegraph orders.

M. W. KEOGH,

Major and Aide-de-Camp.

By the end of November 1864, plans were at an advanced stage and on November 26, Stoneman reported to Major General Schofield from Knoxville, Tennessee, confirming his intentions and seeking final, formal approval to begin his raid. Stoneman estimated the enemy to be "from 3,000 to 6,000" in strength and hoped that by rapid march he "may be able to reach Bristol before the enemy can, and thus cut him off from Saltville, and force him across the mountains into North Carolina, and maybe to destroy the salt-works." This would be second such raid on Saltville in 1864; the first failing dramatically, accompanied by a public outcry at the alleged murder of wounded coloured Union troops. These troopers belonged to the 5th U.S. Cavalry and this same regiment now moved with Stoneman's command, keen to seek some element of perceived justice. They were not alone. Before he departed, Stoneman reminded Schofield that he needed little motivation to ensure that this raid would be swift and successful:
"I hope you will not disapprove it, as I think I can see very important results from its execution. I owe the Southern Confederacy a debt I am anxious to liquidate, and this appears a propitious occasion. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant..."
His fellow New Yorker, John Schofield, approved the initial stages of the strategy - "I approve of the first part of the plan proposed in your letter, November 26, viz, to push enemy as far back as practicable into Virginia and destroy the salt-work and railroad" - although obviously still retained some reservations as to the plan's success by continuing, "I cannot decide as to further operations until affairs here take more definite shape..."

On December 10, Stoneman and Keogh left Knoxville with two brigades totalling 5,700 cavalrymen en route to west Virginia from where the Confederacy drew a large part of their now meager supplies. Previously bedevilled by inclement weather conditions on past raids, Stoneman could be forgiven for thinking a winter campaign would suffer similar problems but the general's luck had turned. From Bristol, on the Tennessee/Virgina border, and on to Abingdon and Wytheville, the Union cavalry scattered all Rebel forces sent to fight them, covering an a
verage of 42 miles per day.


Initially, it was
General Basil Duke's Confederate cavalry that bore the brunt of Stoneman's large army and by the 14th, Duke's cavalry was in retreat back towards Abingdon. After a day's rest in camp at Glade Spring, Stoneman's cavalry rode toward Marion, destroying anything that they considered a benefit to the southern cause, such as railroad and telegraph facilities. Foraging in enemy country was also brutal on the local populace and the blue-coated troopers prioritised their own need over that of civilians, seizing all supplies or food, regardless if they held any apparent military value.

On December 17 and 18, the Union raiders struck the salt mines at Saltville, the lead works around Wytheville and the ironworks at Marion, Virginia. At Saltville, Major Keogh personally led one of Stoneman's brigades that charged and dispersed a contingent of Virgina Home Guards. With the Confederate defences now captured or in retreat, Stoneman set about the task he had intended and which the previous October raid had failed to do - the destruction of the industrial complex in the area.

Saltville, Virginia ('Harper's Weekly' - Jan 14, 1865)

Interior of the Salt Works ('Harper's Weekly' - Jan 14, 1865)

Digging for Salt ('Harper's Weekly' - Jan 14, 1865)

Lower salt works at Saltville ('Harper's Weekly - Jan 14, 1865)

The wells around Saltville were of huge importance as salt was in common use during the war years in the preservation of meat and other food, in curing hides for leather goods and in the care of livestock. It was estimated that almost two-thirds of the South's supply of salt came from the region that Stoneman now occupied. In his official report, Stoneman gives some indication of how his troops attempted to decommission the salt works:
"The wells, instead of not being seriously damaged, as is stated in the official report, were, by the use of bomb-shells, railroad iron, spikes, nails, &c., put in such a condition as to render it impossible to use them until they were cleared out. [The] engineers at the works are of the opinion that it will be much cheaper and more expedient to bore new wells than to clear out the old ones. The engines and pumps were also destroyed and the structures all burnt to the ground."
By December 29, the Union cavalry was back in Knoxville, having taken 879 prisoners, 19 cannons and 25,000 shells. Stoneman was pleased to report "the total destruction, as far as in the power of man to accomplish [of] all the foundries, mills, factories, storehouses, wagon and ambulance trains, turnpike bridge, &c. that we could find." Stoneman also recorded his praise for Keogh in the official report:
"In addition to the officers whose names have been mentioned in the foregoing report, I wish to call your special attention to Major M. W. Keogh, aide-de-camp, Captain Robert Morrow, assistant adjutant-general, Lieutenant R. Williams, ordnance officer, and Captain J. B. Roberts, Tenth Michigan Cavalry, commanding scouts and couriers, as being young officers of unusual merit, and to each of whom I am under many obligations."
Schofield was delighted, and probably relieved, that his faith in Stoneman had been rewarded. General George Thomas also wrote to Stoneman congratulating him on his "complete and splendid success, and for which you richly deserve, and I have earnestly recommended you receive, the thanks of the War Department." Nonetheless, despite the Union generals exuberance, the salt works were back in working order for the Confederacy within two months, although the destroyed railroad system around the area hampered salt distribution.

In finishing his letter to Stoneman, General Thomas, "The Rock of Chickamauga", detailed some of the Union victories that they had been achieved while the raid was taking place. He opinionated that the Rebels were now "totally demoralized"; General Sherman having also completed his "triumphant march through Georgia to Savannah, which place he captured on the 21st instant, with quantities of stores, arms, and ammunition, and 150 locomotives." By now, the end was clearly in sight for the Southern Confederacy...